The diaspora played a decisive role in helping Vetëvendosje (LVV) recover lost ground and secure a stable parliamentary majority following Kosovo’s snap parliamentary elections, while the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) is now facing a period of deep strategic reassessment, according to Besnik Velia, journalist of Gazeta Express.
Speaking to KoSSev, Velia commented on the convincing victory of Prime Minister Albin Kurti’s party in the elections held on Sunday, December 28.
Preliminary results released by the Central Election Commission (CEC) show that Vetëvendosje emerged as the clear winner. With 2,548 out of 2,557 polling stations processed (99.65 percent), LVV won approximately 431,442 votes, or 44.30 percent — nearly 35,000 more than in the February elections.
According to preliminary projections, Vetëvendosje could secure 56 parliamentary seats, compared to 48 earlier this year, placing Kurti in a significantly stronger position to form a new government, potentially without relying on the Serb List.
The Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) finished second with around 21 percent of the vote (183,826), while the biggest loss was recorded by the Democratic League of Kosovo, which fell to 13.57 percent (118,772) — a drop of nearly five percentage points compared to February.
LDK leader Lumir Abdixhiku has taken responsibility for the poor result and announced a period of internal reflection, including the possibility of stepping down as party leader, Koha reported.
The Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) crossed the electoral threshold with 5.68 percent (49,675 votes), while the Serb List won 4.78 percent (41,823 votes), more than 3,000 votes more than in February, according to its leader Zlatan Elek.
A total of 24 political entities took part in the elections — including 18 political parties, three coalitions, two civic initiatives, and one independent candidate — with around 1,180 candidates competing for parliamentary seats. Voter turnout stood at 44.99 percent, while votes from the diaspora are expected to be counted around January 5.
The elections were held on December 28, a date traditionally marked by the presence of a large number of Kosovo citizens living abroad who return home for the holidays.
According to Velia, the diaspora’s role went beyond ensuring victory for Vetëvendosje.
“The diaspora helped Vetëvendosje recover from the decline in support seen in February, but its role was not limited to winning the election — it was crucial in securing enough seats to form a government with non-Serb minority parties,” Velia told KoSSev.
He added that LVV’s insistence on holding elections on December 28, combined with claims that other parties wanted to postpone the vote due to the diaspora, mobilized large numbers of voters from abroad.
“PDK and LDK fell into Kurti’s trap when they tried to justify themselves and prove they were not opposed to the December 28 election date because of the diaspora. The general perception is that the diaspora overwhelmingly votes for Vetëvendosje,” Velia said.
While Vetëvendosje increased its vote share, LDK suffered a sharp decline.
“Since PDK largely preserved its voter base, part of LDK’s electorate shifted toward Vetëvendosje, while another part boycotted the elections due to LDK’s unclear and ambivalent position throughout the year,” Velia explained.
He argued that LDK’s refusal to cooperate with other opposition parties and its failure to take a firm stance against Vetëvendosje came at a high political cost, including for party leader Abdixhiku.
“As an example, Abdixhiku expelled Agim Veliu from the party under pressure from LVV voters and following LDK’s poor result in the 2021 elections. After five years of reforms and without Agim Veliu, LDK is now achieving results just as poor as in 2021,” Velia said, adding that this should prompt serious reflection within the party and personal accountability from its leader.
Commenting on LDK’s decline despite strong performances in recent local elections — including in cities such as Pec and Pristina — Velia stressed that local and parliamentary elections in Kosovo are fundamentally different.
“In local elections, voters often support candidates with whom they have personal or family ties. In parliamentary elections, they vote based on the broader political climate, regardless of whether they personally like the party leader,” he said.
He also pointed to a strategic mistake by opposition parties, which focused their campaigns almost exclusively on party leaders instead of promoting other popular figures.
“One of the opposition’s key mistakes was concentrating the campaign on party leaders rather than on other well-regarded party figures, including mayors,” Velia said, recalling that LDK had already lost strongholds such as Kosovo Polje and Obilic to Vetëvendosje in the last local elections — a warning sign that, in his view, was ignored.
Looking ahead, Velia believes Vetëvendosje is now in a favorable position similar to that following its 2021 victory, while opposition parties — particularly LDK — face an exceptionally difficult period.
“This could be a defining moment for LDK,” he said. “Either it continues to yield to Kurti and Vetëvendosje as it did in 2021, when it supported Vjosa Osmani’s election as president and ended up with equally poor results years later — or it chooses a path of direct opposition.”
As for the election of Kosovo’s next president, expected in the spring, Velia says it remains to be seen whether Kurti will seek a compromise with opposition parties or attempt to impose a candidate.
“For example, someone from the Jashari family,” he noted.
“Knowing Kurti, I believe he will opt for the latter — trying to elect a president without opposition agreement, placing them under pressure. Voting against such a candidate would be extremely unpopular,” Velia said, adding that this approach could sideline President Vjosa Osmani from Kurti’s future political calculations.
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