More bad epilogues from Kosovo: 0:3 loss for the home team

Dragutin Nenezić
Dragutin Nenezić is a lawyer from Belgrade who has been working in Kosovo for more than a decade. Nenezić advised and represented parties in privatization and property disputes before the Pristina courts. Over time, he became an expert on property issues in Kosovo, and in that capacity, he participated in various forums and initiatives. He currently works as a consultant in the field of infrastructure, energy, and ecology, as well as public policy/FOTO: KoSSev

By Dragutin Nenezić

Something serious is happening;
The sparrows hid in the branches.
Someone is bargaining with father –
He is buying our ranches.

And everything around the house, of course;
Path, field, water…
Home, the most beautiful place of recourse,
They also are buying a nest and an otter.

Momčilo Mošo Odalović, M.O. stole a swallow, a poem read at the Days of Serbian Culture in „Kninska Krajina“, July 1990.

In the past months, three processes took place, which as of yesterday (May 20) can be deemed as completed. Although I am one of those who believed that at least one of them, if not two, would end differently, in my previous texts I left enough room for a different outcome, so I still have some sort of moral obligation to react now, and try to present a summary of the capitulation. If I didn’t feel terribly ashamed before the Serbs who, despite everything, still live in Kosovo, I probably wouldn’t even use that right.

Let’s start with the most painful and fatal – the dinar. Yesterday, the dinar was definitively ousted from northern Kosovo, by sheer force behind the front of implementing, as we like to say, the „so-called“ law. I have already written about the consequences of this – the collapse of the remaining Serbian institutions, which currently include the university, education, healthcare and a few public services, and now I am adding the additional (and to me inexplicable) humiliation of the people on whose backs all this is happening and will continue to happen.

As of yesterday, citizens will have to cross the administrative line to obtain dinars, until, for example, at the next meeting in Brussels (or a future one, so that the humiliation lasts longer), a saving solution is found. It is unlikely that this solution would be the licensing of the Poštanska Štedionica Bank, since it no longer exists as of yesterday. Instead, the solution will be what Pristina has been asking for all along – for money to be sent from Belgrade through the Pristina treasury. This then raises the question: to whom is this money sent? And the answer leads us to the next process – the formation of the ASM.

The formation of the ASM (that is, the constitutional-judicial control of the draft statute approved by the EU) seems to have been a condition for admission to the Council of Europe, which did not happen. The reason why it didn’t happen is still unclear to me, but now I’m just torn between two extremes – that Kurti is an agent of Belgrade, or that Kurti is (to put it mildly) irrational beyond measure.

In any case, he turned a done deal into a liability, and instead of scoring political points, he is now forced to explain to his voters why the land was returned to the Visoki Dečani Monastery without membership in the Council of Europe. He will certainly do so, and he has already started doing it, again across the backs of the Serbs, and I’m afraid a little bit on the backs of the Serbian Orthodox Church, that is, the Eparchy of Raska and Prizren and the Visoki Dečani Monastery.

As it does not make any political sense to continue working on the formalization of the ASM, either as agreed or as authorized by the EU, the materialization will continue, which began with the occupation of municipalities in northern Kosovo, and continued with the shutdown of provisional authorities and financial institutions in the Serbian system south of the Ibar, only to culminate yesterday.

In order for some kind of ASM to fully materialize, all that remains is to expel the university and integrate education, health and the remaining public services. Elections at all levels will probably be held on time, and until then the key political product offered to Kurti’s voters will be the subjugation of Serbs by sheer force.

In addition to Kurti’s pseudo-intellectualism, which does not care about its own laws, nor about the interest of something it claims to rule, as long as systemic hatred towards Serbs is being promoted, as well as the deepest abysses of Albanian pseudo-history that have come to the surface, in the public sphere it will be followed by the now undisguised Nazism of Veton Surroi, which shows that he is on the same level, and perhaps worse, than those whom he contemptuously called history teachers from Mališevo, at least when it comes to the attitude towards Serbs. Only, the history teachers from Mališevo had the opportunity to kill Serbs, and Kurti and Surroi did not, so everything that is happening now is a form of belated compensation for it.

When it comes to Serbia, we have the only process that was expected – changes in the criteria in chapter 35 and thus the codification of the European agreement, regardless of the non-signing, which passed with a small dose of schizophrenia, and the usual doses of inconsistency and logical insolence in the domestic media.

Certainly, it is clear that the official Serbian policy is formally aimed at the normalization process, which, as we have already heard several times from its creators, is actually the de facto recognition of Kosovo by Serbia, and that everything that is happening is an indication that the inertness of the official Belgrade it is not accidental, but intentional, as well as full cooperation and fulfillment of all essential requirements of the political/collective West.

Of course, the dynamics of that process will be determined to a large extent by personal changes when Lajčák goes to take his rest on his next post, political changes after the European and US elections, as well as geopolitical fractures, but it will last, more or less painfully, until the essence of Serbian politics is changed, as desired by the right-oriented sector of our public.

However, as we see all around us, take Montenegro and North Macedonia as the most recent examples (although they are NATO members, where such a thing is even more difficult), it is almost impossible for such a radical political turn to be carried out without the penetration of Russian tanks not on the Danube, which has become the standard term used by that part of the public, but across it.

In other words, the main pillar of Belgrade’s official policy is the political West, and no change of government in the current framework will change that – only a large geopolitical earthquake can change that, one that would completely destroy everything. Everything else is just idle talk and misleading people who are otherwise self-deluded, because watching one’s compatriots being left to their mercy is not pleasant. At least not to me.

To summarize: Kurti lost the Council of Europe, which is a diplomatic victory for Belgrade, albeit accidental (unless Kurti is an agent of Belgrade), but in order to win the elections, he will compensate for this with new attacks on the Serbs and SOC/ERP/Visoki Dečani Monastery, either via media attacks, or true attacks.

Belgrade officially reached the goal on which it was essentially working, with more or less clumsy attempts to make it not look that way, and more or less unpleasant rhetoric that was supposed to conceal it. The Serbs in Kosovo have lost their dinar, and they are on the way to losing everything else as well. Neither Flash nor Storm, nor Nagorno Karabakh awaits us in Kosovo. In Kosovo, the combination of Eastern Slavonia 1995-1998 awaits us, and Sarajevo in 1996, only different global and local circumstances, along with media frenzy present almost everywhere, prevent us from seeing it. Dying will be slow, and sharp cuts will be precisely guided, performed and anesthetized.

Nevertheless, there is some hope – not hope in the sense that there will be a change in policy, because it is clear that this will not happen, but a metaphysical hope. That hope will be preserved as long as the church is present in Kosovo, and as long as the Serbs there have the faith and the spiritual strength to withstand all pressures to separate from the church. In this sense, the only bright spot that I see in this period is the announcement of the SOC Assembly that was published yesterday, as a pledge for the future.

Kosovo is not Nagorno-Karabakh, because, to focus only on the role of the church, the Armenian church withdrew together with the people, and in Kosovo, the church and the people survived together, sharing the burden of life under the yoke even when there was no state there. Therefore, in a situation where the state is retreating, there can be no survival without such unity.



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