By Dragutin Nenezić
A lot has happened in the past few months, much like in that fake Lenin quote. Trump has been inaugurated and has immediately begun disrupting the international order. Elections in Kosovo (almost) and Germany (completely) have concluded, the war in Ukraine is taking on a new dynamic, the mass suffering in Gaza has ended, and the same began in Syria. Beyond „high“ politics, the people’s protests in Serbia’s streets have entered their fifth month. A reader of this portal might rightfully ask: where does Kosovo (and Metohija) fit into all this? My answer: everywhere, if there is wisdom.
During this period, dear reader, Kosovo—especially the North—has not lacked noteworthy events, even beyond elections. Although perhaps less dramatic, developments such as courts in the North, now staffed exclusively by Albanian judges, starting to rule on neighborly property disputes that had been left unresolved since 2022, or the „Serbian“ Elektrosever cutting off power to Serbs over unpaid bills, are at the very least indicative of the fact that a (new, at least for the North) system has truly taken shape and been established there.
Will everything mentioned in the first paragraph affect what was just described in the second? Again, yes—if there is wisdom.
Let’s start with Trump, as is fitting, and set aside Kosovo’s elections and Kurti’s judicial saga for the purpose of this discussion.
Trump’s approach to the war in Ukraine, as reported by the media (since we have no other sources), contains all the elements that also exist in Kosovo: conflict (of varying intensity), a delicate balance of power and borders (in every sense), and natural resources (which may or may not be overestimated). What Kosovo has, but Ukraine does not at the moment, is a UN Security Council resolution, as well as an international military presence backed by NATO—though Trump may eventually reduce that difference as well. Another potential similarity is Trump’s recent statement about annexing Canadian lakes, which adds a new dimension to the once-theatrical „Lake Trump“ episode at Gazivode.
A responsible state policy (at least concerning Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija) would address these issues through careful analysis and public discourse, using these similarities to its advantage and for the benefit of the people it is supposed to represent.
Instead, over the past two months, we have witnessed a series of disgraceful statements about Kosovo and Metohija that I don’t even wish to quote, one partially decent remark made during a meeting with a Russian counterpart (but before the fiasco at the UN General Assembly vote), and the failure to pass long-promised laws related to Kosovo—even after six months—despite an extensive agenda at the last parliamentary session. And when the prime minister’s resignation is eventually accepted, those proposed laws will definitively remain dead letters.
A responsible policy would also attempt to answer at least the following questions:
– What will happen if U.S. forces withdraw from Kosovo, and what if, for instance, Turkish forces replace them?
– More broadly, if changes occur within the UN and NATO due to U.S. actions, what will be Kosovo’s fate, given that each side holds its ground within those institutions?
– How will attempts to reform EU security policies affect Kosovo and the Brussels negotiations?
Finally, a responsible policy would analyze Trump’s transactional approach, which differs significantly from how the current leadership interprets that concept, and formulate a range of options for resolving the Kosovo issue—again, in the best interest of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija.
It is possible that someone, somewhere in the state apparatus is thinking about this and will respond swiftly when the time comes—in which case, I apologize in advance to that individual.
Likewise, it is also possible that the current political crisis is consuming the government’s attention to such an extent that it simply has no time for Kosovo, which is a mistake—because there is no Serbian policy without Kosovo. This is evident even in the protests on the streets today, where Kosovo remains ever-present in symbols and imagery.
Whatever solution emerges from the current political crisis, it must include Kosovo; otherwise, both the solution and the one imposing it will be doomed to political failure sooner or later—an eternal, unlearned lesson of Serbian politics.
Finally, a reader might ask: what if there is no wisdom? Then, at best, another missed opportunity awaits us. At worst—if it must be so—the final collapse.
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