The Constitutional Court of Kosovo has ruled that the inaugural session of the ninth legislature of the Assembly must be concluded within 30 days at the latest.
The Court’s decision, issued today, follows the 37th unsuccessful attempt to continue the Assembly’s constitutive session, which began on April 15.
The ruling was prompted by a request submitted by the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) on May 12, questioning the legality of forming a commission for secret voting during the session.
In a unanimous decision, the Court declared the request admissible and ruled that the extended session process, spanning from April 15 to May 12, did not comply with constitutional provisions. It stressed that the 30-day timeframe is a constitutional obligation, which must be met by electing the Assembly’s president and vice presidents.
The Court rejected AAK’s request for interim measures and instructed the Assembly to publish the decision in the Official Gazette. The ruling takes immediate effect.
The leader of AAK, Ramush Haradinaj, welcomed the decision.
In May, he had called the stalled Assembly formation “a shameful game” and an example of “our state’s immaturity,” with repeated sessions every 48 hours yielding no progress.
More Than Five Months of Deadlock
Over five months have passed since Kosovo held parliamentary elections. Although final results were confirmed in March, the Assembly still lacks leadership, and Kosovo remains without a new government.
The main point of contention: opposition parties have refused to back Vetëvendosje’s candidate for Assembly president, Albulena Haxhiu.
The Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) has proposed the creation of a transitional unity government, the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) is demanding a new nominee for the presidency, while AAK says it will support a candidate who can unite all parties.
Since April 15, the Assembly has convened 37 times, only for the sessions to be suspended or postponed — most often for 48-hour intervals. Haxhiu’s nomination has failed to garner the required support six times. Vetëvendosje has since pushed for secret voting, which also lacks majority support.
Kosovo’s President Vjosa Osmani has attempted to mediate, meeting with leaders of major Albanian parties and minority representatives, but so far without tangible results.
Acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti insists he can secure 61 votes to form a government — but only after the Assembly is constituted. He remains firm in supporting Haxhiu’s candidacy, stating that the way out of the crisis is not through “imposed proposals.”
Meanwhile, international officials have urged Kosovo’s leaders to put aside partisan differences and restore institutional functionality.
A Legal and Political Limbo
According to the Constitution, the Assembly cannot begin its work until its president and vice presidents are elected. If the inaugural session is suspended, it must resume within 48 hours.
To elect a president, a simple majority of 61 MPs is required — a threshold Vetëvendosje cannot meet alone. The party holds 48 out of 120 seats, while the opposition bloc — PDK, LDK, and AAK — controls 53. The 20 guaranteed seats for minority communities have not tipped the scales. At most, Vetëvendosje has secured 57 votes, prompting it to resort to secret ballot proposals, which have also failed.
Adding to the impasse is the legal uncertainty: new snap elections cannot be called until all avenues for forming a government within the current legislature are exhausted. That includes electing the Assembly’s leadership and forming a new government. Complicating the timeline further, local elections are scheduled for October 12, and preparations are also underway for the presidential election — which must take place in the Assembly by March 2026 and requires a two-thirds majority (80 MPs) in the first round.
Beyond the political gridlock, a looming constitutional vacuum also threatens. The Constitution does not clearly stipulate what happens if the winning party cannot secure the presidency of the Assembly. No formal request has yet been made for the Court to interpret this issue — unlike in 2014, when a deadlock following Kosovo’s first post-independence elections was resolved through a constitutional interpretation and an eventual PDK-LDK compromise, under significant international pressure.
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