When media outlets and public officials return to versions of events that have been seriously challenged—where an international prosecutor found no elements of a criminal offense—the reporting of Kosovo Albanian-language media, even 22 years later, raises serious questions about the role of information in shaping collective memory, said journalist and director of Radio Mitrovica North, Maja Fićović.
This week marks 22 years since the March 2004 violence, the largest wave of ethnic unrest in Kosovo following the arrival of international military and civilian missions.
During the violence on March 17 and 18, 2004, around 286 Serbian houses and more than 35 churches, monasteries, and cemeteries were destroyed or set on fire, while over 4,000 Serbs were expelled from southern Kosovo, according to the Humanitarian Law Center.
An estimated 51,000 people took part in at least 33 separate incidents across Kosovo and Metohija over a 48-hour period.
Initial reports stated that eight Serbs and 11 Albanians were killed—the latter in clashes with U.S. and French KFOR troops attempting to stop the violence (largely based on Human Rights Watch data). However, the Humanitarian Law Center later confirmed a total of 23 victims, including one unidentified Albanian from Pristina.
Approximately 170 Serbs were seriously injured, most of them beaten inside their homes. Around 800 Serbian, 90 Ashkali, and two Albanian houses were destroyed or heavily damaged, while 36 Orthodox religious sites were desecrated and burned.
A total of 72 UN vehicles were destroyed. According to a UN Secretary-General’s report from April 2004, 954 people were injured, including 65 international police officers, 61 KFOR members, and 58 members of the then Kosovo Police Service.
Trigger
On the afternoon of March 16, 2004, three Albanian boys from the village of Çabra, in Zubin Potok municipality, drowned in the Ibar River.
Shortly after the incident, Kosovo Albanian-language media reported it as an ethnically motivated crime, claiming the boys had jumped into the river while being chased by Serbs with a dog.
These claims were based on the testimony of a fourth boy, the only survivor. However, it later emerged that he had stated that Serbs had shouted insults from a nearby house, frightening the boys—but had not chased them.
Following an investigation, an international prosecutor concluded that the available evidence did not support reasonable suspicion that a criminal offense had been committed.
Subsequent findings confirmed that the drowning of the boys had no verified ethnic motive, while media reporting at the time was described as irresponsible and sensationalist, with particular responsibility attributed to Kosovo’s public broadcaster.
Despite confirmations from multiple domestic and international sources, a narrative placing responsibility on Serbs has persisted among parts of the majority community to this day.
Narrative of Serbian responsibility
Although these circumstances have been established in various reports, a narrative of Serbian responsibility continues to dominate parts of Kosovo’s public discourse and has intensified in recent years, often omitting or downplaying the suffering of the Serbian community and the broader context of the March violence.
Since the Self-Determination movement came to power, interpretations of the events have frequently emphasized Albanians as victims and Serbs as perpetrators. Albanian protests are often portrayed as spontaneous, while Serbian victims are rarely mentioned.
Two years ago, officials from the ruling party stated that the boys were killed while being chased by Serbs, that “Serbian criminals” opened fire on Albanians, and that the protests were spontaneous across Kosovo, with most victims being Albanian.
Kosovo Prime Minister Albin Kurti offered a more cautious formulation that same year, stating that the boys had jumped into the Ibar “to escape Serbian youths,” effectively relativizing the incident.
A similar narrative was repeated this year by South Mitrovica Mayor Faton Peci, who again voiced claims linking the drowning of the boys to “Serbian criminal gangs,” describing the event as one that “moved the hearts of all Albanians” and led to mass protests—without referencing the scale or nature of the violence that followed.
22 Years Later, Peci Repeats Claims That Fueled March 2004 Violence
Kosovo’s Interior Ministry likewise stated that the boys lost their lives while trying to escape a group of Serbian youths who were allegedly chasing them.
Kosovo Interior Ministry: Groups of Young Serbs Chased Three Albanian Boys Before Drowning
Media revisiting the same narratives
While the role of the media was already identified as a key issue in 2004, recent analysis suggests that, even 22 years later, Kosovo Albanian-language outlets often omit key facts—particularly those related to Serbian victims.
Reporting is frequently uniform and one-sided.
Pristina-based media outlets, in largely uniform reporting, wrote that the unrest followed reports that Albanian children drowned “as a result of Serbian violence,” often citing accounts that the surviving children had been chased by Serbs.
Reports also noted that several Serbian houses and churches were burned during the riots, while mentioning retaliatory attacks on mosques in Serbia.
Separately, in an opinion piece (op-ed) published by Koha, columnist Gurakuqi Kuçi described the March 2004 events as a “project by Serbia aimed at dividing Kosovo.”
Similarly, Nacionale published an opinion article by Kolë Mehmeti, focusing primarily on Albanian suffering, referencing alleged Serbian responsibility for the drowning of the children, and framing the events within a broader narrative of Serbian propaganda and post-1999 state-building.
Notably, Kosovo’s public broadcaster RTK repeated similar claims on the 20th anniversary, stating that the boys drowned while fleeing from a group of Serbian youths—echoing the initial reporting that contributed to the escalation of violence in 2004.
Fićović: I refuse to remain silent
Fićović reacted today to the continued role of both media and political actors, stressing that the public space remains filled with inaccuracies, while questions of responsibility and truth remain unresolved.
“Journalism, by its nature, implies fact-checking, distance, and responsibility. When these principles are ignored, media cease to be a corrective force and instead become tools for reproducing one-sided interpretations. In the long run, this does not lead to understanding, but to the entrenchment of divisions,” she said.
She warned about the persistence of disputed narratives despite the availability of verified facts.
“What is concerning is that certain narratives continue to be repeated despite the availability of facts. At the core of any responsible society is the willingness to confront the past—not selectively, but based on verifiable information.”
Returning to contested versions of events, she added, raises serious concerns:
“When media and public officials revert to versions of events that have been seriously challenged—where an international prosecutor established that there were no elements of a criminal offense—the reporting of Kosovo Albanian-language media, even 22 years later, raises serious questions about the role of information in shaping collective memory.”
She stressed that it is particularly problematic when such narratives come from institutions or public officials, including the interior minister and the mayor of South Mitrovica.
“Their statements carry weight and influence not only domestic audiences but also international perceptions. Repeating inaccurate claims deepens distrust between communities and complicates reconciliation,” she said.
At the same time, she noted the near absence of public statements from Serbian officials in Kosovo, which can be interpreted in different ways.
“For some, it is an attempt to avoid further tensions and contribute to calming rhetoric. In a time of often sharp and one-sided statements, silence may appear as a conscious decision not to add fuel to the fire. For others, however, silence may create the impression of ambiguity or even a lack of willingness to publicly articulate one’s position on events that still carry deep consequences.”
However, she added, silence can also indicate imbalance.
“In a media space where narratives do not tolerate a vacuum, the absence of one side often means the other becomes dominant. Twenty-two years later, the challenge is not only what happened, but how it is spoken about today—and who speaks, and who remains silent.”
She concluded with an open question:
“Which is more dangerous for the truth—a wrong word, or the complete absence of words?”
Truth, she stressed, should not be a variable shaped by political or social circumstances, but the foundation of responsible reporting and long-term peace.
“We who lived through March 17 and 18 in Kosovo—who experienced those days and continued our lives with lasting trauma, and who reported at the time—know very well what those days brought. March 17, 2004 changed me forever, both personally and professionally. That is why I refuse to remain silent,” Fićović said.
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