Kosovo’s parliamentary elections held yesterday marked the first regular elections since the unilateral declaration of independence in 2008. However, over 21 hours after the polls closed, no official preliminary results have been released.
The lack of results is particularly evident in North Mitrovica, where only 12% of the votes have been processed from three out of 24 polling stations.
Despite the Central Election Commission’s (CEC) claims about „smart elections“ and the implementation of a new electoral law, the voting process was fraught with delays and technical failures. The CEC’s online system even crashed at the end of the voting day.
Allegations of Manipulation and Technical Failures
Ilir Deda, a political analyst from Pristina, did not mince words when commenting on the situation:
“This was deliberate. There’s no doubt about it,” he said.
Miodrag Marinković, Executive Director of the NGO CASA, echoed similar sentiments, pointing out that the election process reflects the approach of Albin Kurti’s government.
“The election process we witnessed yesterday mirrors the nature of Kurti’s administration—legal manipulation, system circumvention, and improvisation aimed at excluding the Serbian community from political processes,” Marinković stated.
He cited numerous irregularities in the organization of the election in northern Kosovo, emphasizing that these were part of Kurti’s broader strategy to reduce Serbian influence.
The collapse of the CEC system right after the polls closed, along with the disorganized voting process in the north, are clear indicators of such efforts – Marinković added.
A Divided Kosovo Parliament and Coalition Challenges
The preliminary results indicate that the ruling Self-Determination Movement (Vetëvendosje) failed to secure an absolute majority, garnering just over 40% of the votes. According to Marinković, this underwhelming result is due to the party’s singular focus on undermining the Serbian community while neglecting pressing socio-economic issues.
“That approach might have worked in the immediate post-war years, but 26 years later, voters are more interested in economic stability, rooting out corruption, and everyday concerns,” Marinković noted.
With such results, Vetëvendosje is unlikely to form a government without entering a coalition. However, Marinković believes a broad opposition coalition is more likely.
“The most probable scenario is the formation of a broad opposition coalition between the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), and the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK), potentially supported by a few MPs from minority parties,” Marinković predicted.
He added that such a coalition would likely have strong backing from the international community, which has grown tired of Kurti’s stubbornness.
Unlikely Alliances and Political Instability
Despite the current tensions, Marinković does not completely rule out a coalition between Vetëvendosje and the Serbian List, although he describes it as highly improbable – “even though their political programs are fundamentally incompatible.”
Marinković also warned that Kosovo is entering a period of political instability.
“Whether it’s through Vetëvendosje’s attempts to legally obstruct the formation of a new government or Kurti’s destructive role in the opposition, Kosovo is heading into uncertain times,” he emphasized.
Surprising Success of the Serbian List
The Serbian List emerged victorious within the Serbian community, winning more than 4% of the total vote, despite competing against five other Serbian political entities.
According to Marinković, the success of the Serbian List is surprising given the party’s recent controversies and the challenging situation for the Serbian community in Kosovo.
“These results are surprising for two reasons,” Marinković explained.
“First, this was an election in which the Serbian List seemingly did not have all the levers of manipulation it once did—or so we thought. Second, their victory comes after years of catastrophic consequences resulting from their policies.”
Marinković argued that the Serbian community’s support for the Serbian List reflects an instinctive desire to maintain a connection with Serbia in response to Kurti’s efforts to sever those ties.
“Serbs didn’t vote for the Serbian List; they voted for their connection to Serbia. As long as the politics in Pristina are perceived as a threat, that connection will be their priority,” Marinković concluded.
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